. ple were the most loyhl in

THE PHCENIX.

3

The National Petition.

To .,._ 1,, SULLIVAN, nsQ., SECRETARY ,ro -run NATIONAI.
i=in~irio:~: OOMMITTEE.

 

Moore Hall, January 1st, 1861.

pm“ s,:m,—Since the receipt of your letter I have
given my most earnest and anxious consideration to the
very serious questions of which it treats, and you Will
readilybelieve that the point which has most— perplexed
me has not arisen out of any di{iiculty_th£\t I feel as R
disputant, iii the solution of the subtle issues 57011 “We
raised in my letter, and which you have certainly treated
with consummate skill. There, are. h0WeV€1‘a at least
two persons that your masterly argument has failed to
convincc——its own author, and -the individual to whom it
was add[-ess¢3d—-a.n(], as I believe in my heart that no real
difference exists between us_. 1 will touch but cursorily
and sparingly on thedistincti ons you have raised between
my positions and your own. _ _ _

The reason “why the Petitioii asks simply for a re-
peal of the Union,” you state to be that “ a demand for
separation from England, addressed to the imperial par-
liament would bring the sanity of the Irish people into
questloii with foreign iia'tions.”-—-By’r Lady——a. parlous
fear I” But, assuming that this would be the inevitable
result, there was clearly no necessity for encountering
any such peril. The claim of the Irish People ‘'3 hm‘?
their opinion taken on the form of government they pre-
ferred, did not directly, or even indirectly, involve a de-
mand for separation. Have we not been assured by a
whole generation of popular or~.i.tors, that the Irish peo-
‘ the world? And have .\_ve not
very lately seen the edifying spectacle of Catholic bishops,
as it were, tossing up their mitrcs at public meetings.
and hallooing out for three cheers for the Queen? The
Petition croes out of its way—travels altogether out of
the r0nortd—-in specially limiting the choice of the Irish
people to a particular demand, which has beendragged
thfoqah more dirt, and steeped in more corruption, than

‘ 2: . . . ‘ .
any popular question in the memoi otmctn.
In the next place you deny my assertion that the reso-

lutions of the meeting, and the petition they enforced, .

4. were based upon she arguments supplied by the British
government, in its dealings with Italian afiairs”—and
you imagine that you sustain that den‘ial by declaring
your case to’ be that of a prisoner who ‘ fastens upon tlic
,,,o,.d8 of his Captor, and, for the same, says nothing of his
older and much ‘stronger claims for freedom.” It strikes
me that the case you cite is a very accurate illustration
of my origin-allobjection, whichwas, that the resolutions
and petition did “ fasten on the words” of another party,
,md:did H E,,y'nothiug'of older and much stronger claims.

Tm; mode of dealing with the subject appeared to me to
be an error in practical actlon—-even. if it were good_ in
IOgic;.bl1t. I think there is little difficulty in showing
that‘ it is‘ as bad in logic asiu practice. The general

proposition furnished to you by the British government

fa the major of your syllogisin ; its particular application
to the case of Ireland is the minor; that you can draw _a
goond conclusion from premises, of which you only admit
the minor to be true, is contrary to all my notions of ra-
tiocination. But the case‘ you cite, as the case of Ireland
goes to the very root of a great practical question, far
more important than any such _narrow issues as these.
The case of the Irish people is not that of a prisoner,
bound hand and foot, who has no better resource than
that of convincing his captor by the force of abstract

_ - dialectics.

- The case of the Irish peopye is that of millions of men,
still strong and erect amidst their own homes and altars
-—of»millions of men scattered through the world, and
strong in their influence on the policy of the cou'ntries
they have made their resting place——ot millions of men,
strong in the sympathy of other nations, whose quarrel
may one day more avail them than their own-—-ot'_ milli-
ong of men, well able to take their own part in any
quarrel, and furnished already with “a very pretty
quarrel as it stands.” So far am ‘I from assuming that
the Irish are “inferior to the Italians in courage or in
patriotism,” that I should blush even to bring into com-
parison the high-hearted heroism of the most martial
people in the world, with the feverish fierceness of an
3 etc southern race. As the one is to the other, so are
t "é deeds the: Italians have performed to what the Irish
might be trained to do. _ ,

But, on the other hand,.our case, at the present day,
is that of a. people who, with all these appliances, have
done nothing, ‘or next to nothing, for a whole genera-
tion, to assert the rights of their country and their race,
or even to maintain the honor and sympathy, among
other nations, that theirforei'atlrers had won. I have
been reminded of what Irishmeii have done very long
ago, an’d‘I am not disposed to disturb the ashes of the
past by any vexatious sifting. But what, in the pre-
sent generation, has the Irish popular party done?-
to win a place for its people among the nations of the
world? _ _

What has it done? It has been engaged in three sepa-
rate political enterprises, ou two ofwvhich Mr. Smith
O’Bi-ien must be admitted to be a creditable witness, and
of which, for want of a_better, I may be pcrniittcd to
bear testimony on the ’th_lI‘d- _

Mr. O’Brien says, in his letter to the committee :

"‘ You will remember that the magnificent organization
of the Irish nation in favor of repeal which existed in the
years 1843, ’-14 and ’-£5, eventuated in the following
miserable and couteniptible results :

“ 1st.——The acceptance of otiicial situations, under the
British government, by a very large proportion of those
leaders of the Irish people, who had pledged themselves
to an enduring and unswerving efiort toemancipate this
country from the intervention of the British government
in regard to the local affairs oflreland.

2nd.--In an abortive attempt to resist by arms the un-
coiisiitutional and destructive legislation of: the British
Parliament. _ _

I “ As I take no pleasure in wounding individual sus-
ceptibilities, I shall offer no observation on the first of
these results; and, with respect to the second, while I
take upon myself more than my due share of responsi-
bility for having made a miscalculation of the chances of
success’ in a national struggle, I feel it to be due to
myself to say that the result would have been very diffe-
rent if I had been supported by those individuals and
masses who had urged me to makcan appeal to the
physical force of the country in resistance to unjust legis-
lation.” ,

So much for the two agitations in which he bore so
considerable a part. _

The third was not so much sanguine, or so ambitious‘
as either of those which had preceded it. I t did not
hope to restore to Ireland her‘ native parliament, by dis-
pensing the patronage of the British government; nor
did it strive to overturn the strongest executive in the
world by a coup de main of an ‘unarmed peasantryt. It
applieditself to the humble but honest endeavor to re-

claim the popular party in this country from the political,

prostitution into ‘which it liadfallen ;'to train it by ‘de-
fimes to pure, designs and honorable organization‘; to
e

ovate its hopes and brace its energies by a, healthy ex- '

erclsebf its own ‘powers; and by small ileg’rees"to re-

establish that confidence in its own. efforts that eorrup I

tibh and rashness had slipped and overtbi'own_._ Supply

such an endeavor was worthy the support of all honest
and patriotic Irishmen, however cautious, or however
daring. And it was supported, not only by honest and
patriotic men, but b very many who were neither ho-
nest nor patriotic. The success of its first efforts sur-
passed the auticipationsof the most sanguine, and war-
ranted the confidence of many who had ceased to hope.
It did not fall beneath the assaults of open enemies, or
from any want, in its own constitution, of any of the ele-
ments of success. It fell, stabbed in the back by dis-
honest iuen—“betraycd,” as I once said in my wrath,
and as I now repeat in my sorrowful calm-—‘- betrayed
by those whose hands were in the same dish as the
people.” '

This is what the popular party in Ireland has done
during the past generation; and, during the last few
years, ithas sunk still lower in the slough of despondency.
Representing a people for centuries the victims of a fo-
reign domination, it “ has suffered persecution, and has
not learnt mercy.” It has become the apologist of two of
the most oppressive foreign domiuations on historical re-
coi'd—that of Austrian Italy and Neapolitan Sicily——:iiid
it has wrapped itself up in elaborate mystificatiou of
passing events in Europe as destitute of sense or truth as
the imperial maiiife:toes of the Chinese.

What is it doing now ‘? It is engaged in signing a Nation-
al Petition, in which—on principles of which it does not

admit the accuiacy—it prays for permission to choose a-

form of government of which it does not approve. You
allege that this petition—although it will not do all that
Ireland requires—will do something. Perhaps it may.
In as you say, it has already proved that the desire for
independence is not extinct in Ii-elaud—it has tloiic
something, but that something is all dependent on some-
thing else, which is the one thing necessary. If that cry
for independence be only a hypocliondriacal whine,» or a
venal falsehood, it were well it were never uttered ; if it
expresses something healthier and better, it were well
that it assumed some other form than that of supplies-
tlon;

You quote from my letter a passage, in which I recom-
mend the creation of a new popular organization in Ire-
land, on the very definitely _sta.ted hypothesis, that there
are men in Ireland" to work it out. I beg to assure you
that that recommendation was-neither a figure of speech
nor a crude and uncoiisidered suggestion. I have not, I
trust, been found wanting, either in sincerity or resolu
tion, in any political step I have yet undertaken. But,
when you ask me to take for granted that the materials
of such an organization are producible at a moment’s
notice, and call upon me to develope a plan of action for
this political postulategl think I’ should not deserve the
confidence you so generously repose in me, if, without
very great consideration and circumspectio;i,‘I were to
adopt the course which you suggest. The advice to
which you refer was not lightly hazarded; your sugges-
tion in reply has not been lightly considered; and, de-
pend upon it, the pledge that my original recommenda-
tion involves shall not be lightly recalled. I must,
however, endeavor to avoid assuming the position so
well described as “fuglem-an to an imaginary army ;”
and, receiving, with the most implicit confidence in your
sincerity and patriotism, the assurance you give me, that
the members of a sound, formidable, popular, and na-
tional party, spch as I have described them, are ‘forth-
coming, you will, I trust, pardon me, if experience and
failure have made me enough of a cynic to assume my
lantern in a preliminary search for these honest men.

As for yourself, and the gentlemen who are associated
with you, I hope. you will accept the assurance of my
sincere belief that you are ready for any cause, and equal
to any fortune to which the call ofyourcouiitry may in-,
vite you. There is no part of your letter in which I
more fully concur, than in the resolve that it expresses
—that the disasters that have bcfallen the people of Ire-
land shall not teach them to despair. Ireland has but
little to be proud of in her history, except her disasters,
and the next bestthing to success in an honorable cause
is to fail in it—with honor. Believe me, my dear sir,
yours, faithfully and sincerely, —

G. H. Moons.

———-—-—>uQ.».<——.——-

.Efl'ects of the American Revolution in England.

A PANIC ABOUT COTTON. .

Worlcmen out of Employment——Starvation c-zw'laI-map tliem
’ —— IV/tat is to be done 3?

 

The American Revolution is advancing with rapid
strides to a consummation. Within a week or two we
may expect to hear of civil war between the States of the
Great Republic. Anxious as we feel to escape such a
conclusion, we do not see how it is to be evaded. The
North is no longer disposed to make concessions, even if
the South would listen to compromise; and, although we
may allow for a certain amount of blaster on the side of
the Secessionists, nobody doubts that Americans are
ready to fight. We look upon this prospect with unaf.
fscted horror. Independently of our natural sympathies,
we have enormous interests at 8lou'.?c—-Sllch interests, in-
deed, that our charity must begin at home. We deplore
the political catastrophe, but our first thoughts must
necessarily be given to its commercial eflbcts. If the
Southern States of the Uni'on are convulsed by war, a
servile insurrection will be only too probable an incident
of the strife; if the slaves rebel, the cotton crop perishes;
and with the failure of the cotton crop comes the paraly-
sis of our own staple manufacture. The question is so
momentous that it cannot be too seriously urged or too
expeditiously entertained. Lancashire depends on South
Carolina, and what South Carolina is doing become ter-
ribly evident from each successive dispatch. The tele-
grams of Saturday last were the most ominous yet
received, and we compare with those reports an 5,,-“C19
from a weekly contemporary which we recently tron-
scribed, the perils ahead of us will be distinctly appre-
ciated.

We gave insertion all the more willingly to the
remarks of the Economist because they were designed
to mitigate alarm. '1hey professed to give the facts and
figures of the -case without exaggeration, and to inform
the public exactly of what might be expected if the
worst came to the worst. Such being the spirit of the
article, it may be fairly assumed that at least all conse-
quences anticipated would really occur in the event of
an American war, and what those consequences would be
we can now briefly explain. The number of people
actually dependent on our cotton manufactures’ for their
daily bread is estimated at nearly -1-,000,000—-that is to
say, at about one—sixth of the entire population of Great

Britain. The extent to which our export trade depends

on’ the same branches of industry  expressed by the fact
that cotton goods constituted more than one-third of the
aggregate exports of 1859. Finally, the degree in which
we have hitherto depended for the inaterial of allthis
trade on the Southern States of the Union appears from
the statement,» that, upon an average of the last four
years, America sent us 77 per cent. of all the cotton we
;consumed. That much is admitted, and the deduction

is at once so obvious and so alarming that We do not see,

-how‘ itlcould be exaggerated.
Our contemporary, however, has some crumbs of. con-
solation for us. There, aremaiiy countrieswhich ro-
‘dude’ cotton, and when the‘ American supplyfaills slgort
of our wants, as it has occasionally done, the.-‘ex-pcii-tie
__i“

from other quarters increase. For instauce.,‘f<_>ur years
ago the crop of the United States proved dciicient,_and
the consequence was that other countries, and especially
India, sent us an amount making a respectable approxi-
matioii to the whole American yield. From the slave
States we got 1,482,000 bales, while from other sources
we actually obtained almost 1,000,000, of which India
contributed nearly two thirds. Assuming, therefore,
that our yearly consumption may be reckoned at
2,000,000 bales, it would not be extravagaiit to suppose
that the miscellaneous sources of supply might be made,
under the extraordinary pressure which would ensue, t0
furnish us with 1,200,000 ; or, in other words, with half
the amount required. Here, then, we see the ezrtreme
effect which might be produced by the sus_p_ei_isioii of
cotton production in the slave States of the Union, and
the absolute interruption of supplies from that quarter.
All our mills would have to work half time. That it
does not follow, as a matter of necessity, that all our
work-people would earn only half wages may be per-
fectly true. It is also true that the consequences would
be probably iniligated by economy of con;~:uinpt.ion and
various other iiicidciits of the crisis, while it is certain
that the dearth of material would be only teniporary,
and that the irresistible stiinulus applied to cotton pro-
duction in other quarters of the globe would soon htock
our markets as abundantly as before. All this may be
true, and it may, moreover, be admitted that the utter
destruction of the American cotton crop is too extreme a
case to be fairly supposed. In the worst of events we
should get soiiietliing.

We are certainly not inclined to depreciate these
al‘gllll1(3lllS. We piielk-.i', on the contrary, to give them
their full weight, and to ti.‘-.Sl1lllt‘. that the worst contin-
gency conceivable amounts simply to this-—that for a
certain period, probably a brief one, all our cotton mills
would be compelled to work half time. We take that as
the result to be anticipated, according to reasoiiablc and
temperate calculation ; and we ask wlictlier any man in
the kingdom can coiiteiiiplate it without terror? Look
at the results of a months frost—-mere “ old-fashioned
Christmas weather!” The iiiterruptioii of a few minor

-trades for a few winter days has pa.upcrz'sctl the 7)18tT01,)0Zi8

and driven half our authorities to become relieving-
oflicersfor the time. Look at Coventry,’ with a total
population, rich and poor together, of loss than -10,000,
disturbed by the decay of the riband trade. The charity
of the whole kingdom, lavishly bestowed, has just suliiced
to keep the sufferers from starving till spring or fashion
shall bring relief. Take these examples, and apply the
deduction to the cotton ma"riuf:ictur'e. Instead of a few
thousands, imagine 4,000,000 people in trepidation and
distress. What subscriptioii, what societies, what poor-
rates, what police-court‘s could meet such a case as that?
Where could the relief come from? Recollect that,
while so much national industry would be araglyzed, so
much national wealth‘ would be also lost. c s ould be
doing one-third less trade, and who can tell how far the
mere panic incidental to such an unprecedented crisis
might not aggravate the realities of the peril ?‘

There is not an hour to be lost in providing against
this tremendous danger. To put the case in the mildest
form, three-fourths of our cotton supply has become
uncertain, one-third of our trade is in jeopardy, and the
earnings of onesixth of our population may be rendered
precarious. Are not these facts enough to set usat work
with a will? Not a doubt exists about-the resources at
our command. Cotton can be grown almost as oom.
monly as wheat. The be-st_secds and the best staples are
now well understood, and the proper methods ofcleauing
and packing can be easily taught. The rest is the work
of a year or two. Since the publication of our last
remarks on this subject we have received a communica-
tion from one of the societies interested in African civi-
lization, informing‘ us that the progress of cotton culti-
vation at Abbcokuta, as actually and authentically
recorded, is such as to match the beginnings of every
American enterprize. In 1850, that obscure, though
productive region, sent about half a bale of cotton to
England. In 1855 this modicum had been increased
about forty-fold, and in 1860 it actually amounted to
2,000 bales. We are assured that the district could
easily grow cotton enough for the consumption of all
Lancashire, and ‘we are ‘asked whether the introduction
of skilled Negroes from the United States would not
soon give to us a new CI]!-1.l‘I\CSiOn on the African coast?
From India the offers are the same.
send us, as she did, 680.000 bales, it is fair enough to
presume that under the pressure and with the encourage-
ment of a strong‘ demand she could raise her supplies to
1,000,000 bales—-nearly half of our immediate wants.
Then, again, there is Australia, actually inquiriiig for 11
staple article of produce, and desirous of nothing better

than to be set cottomgrowing for England. We do not
dissemble the particular difficulty of the case. We have

repeatedly observed, and we acknowledge once more,
that America has got the call of the market. It is not
that her advantages might not be equalled in the end by
those of Au.str-.ilia or India, but at present she enjoys all
those facilities of organization and traffic which would
have to be created elsewhere. The creation would be
perfectly practicable, but it has still to be accomplished,
and in the meantime there is the old established firm,
with its capital, its connections, and all that makes busi-
ness profitable, yet undamaged. Nobody can say, how-
ever, that the security will last a_ month longer, and,
besides that, our national interests call imperativcly for
new supplies. It is worth reflecting that if the agricul-
ture of the slave States should be ruined, there will be a
trade of £4-0,000,000 a year to be picked up by some
other c0unlries.—London Tiiizes. -

94.014

The Directors of the Limerick Na i_onal_Readiiig-
Room to the Nationalists of Limerick.

   

FELI.O\V-CIll'I.l£1\’S—Y0l1 cannot be unaware that the .
3

right of every oppressed nation to change rulers and
government-s has been fully and clearly admitted, or‘ in
other words, that in future the People is to be regarded
as the truest, most legitimate, and most indisputable
source of power.

This doctrine has reached ycu from the lips of her
Most Gracious Majesty. It has been proclaimed by her
ministers to cnrapturcd multitudes throughout the
length and breadth of England, and having been bap-
tized on the bloodyplains of ltaly; it has been con-
firmed by the terror-inspiring ii-at of Napoleon III.—the
undisputed dictator of Europe. Influenced by conside-
rations of justice, and the conviction that every nation
has a natural, therefore, legitimate right to choose its
rulers and form of government. .Fl'flIlC(-3, the greatest,
“the most enlightened, the most chivalrous empire of the
W01‘I(I,lli1S shed torrents of her blood in attcstatioii of her
opinion on this sulject. It appears our Most Gracious
Sovereign entertained a similar coiiviction——foi~, taking
up this gospel of liberty, she not only preached it to the
Iialiaiis, but 1-zvicnr. oppressed nation on the face of the
e-.irt1i—-even to Ireland—sad, bleeding, prostrate Ireland.
And shall not Ireland,’ the mos’t'misg'ove‘rned,' oppressed,

land persecuted _of_all nations—whose liistory’s recital,

during seven c‘c-ntjuries, would chill the heart of .a barba-
frian with liorror-'~‘receive ‘and adopt; her teachiiig. ‘ No!
she, shall not, she dare , not-, she must be content, to con-
ti’i_i‘uej' the slave—mart.of the taithless,.pei'fidi,ous Saxon.‘
 Ylimcs--that ' lying’, Virrcligioiitii-”t7liat""tc'2ai1dalo‘us

_lent character of Englishmen, and become a tall,

If new, India could '

print, tliunders “our gospel is not for Ireland—for
Ireland dare not even dream of Liberty; She has no
unity of opinion, she can have no unity of action.”

, Our design, therefore, in establishing a National Read-
ing-room, is to collect the opinions of nationalists of
every persuasion, without distinction of creed or class,
to concentrate public power into one solid, well-directed
mass, the result of which would be, once acquiring
enei-gy——ii'resistible. In such an association, based upon
perfect religious liberty, equality, fraternity, with no
oaths, no passwords, no privacy, connected by no other
ties than those which an anxious desire of liberty, and an
earnest hope of its attainment inspire—there is not-
there cannot be anything illegal or unconstitutional in
it. We propose no other end than to teach other lessons
of prudence, borrowed from the past, and to inculcate
these opinions,'particularly, that our countryfis oppressed
beyond any parallel in the world’s history——tha.t it is
governed by a foreign parliament in which representa-
tion is it farce. That it—without any participation of
advantages, and against the free consent of its people,-is
yearly over-taxed, to carry on unjust aggressive wars,
with a view of maintaining the idea. of decayed supre-
macy. Tliat, at a most eventful period, it had no voice,
no strength, no power, to stay the famine-slaughter of
two mililoits of our ixace. And above all things—that it
needs the salutary influence of self-governpment. A.s it
would be’ too tedious to detail every grievance from
which we suffer, we have confined our- observations to
very few indeed, hoping the men of Limerick, in whose
sight stands that clumsy memorial of Saxon perfidy,
needed no stronger proofs of misrulc and oppression.

We ask them boldly, should Irishmen alone content
tlicniselves with petitioiis——the eifervescence of a languid
patriotism, whilst other nations have achieved their
independence by the adoption of a far different course?
We tell them confidently, petitions to the Queen or the
British legislature avail nothing, except so far as to show
to Europe we are discontented slaves, “ ii ho would be
free but fear to strike the blow.”

Under this conviction we have instituted a Reading-
room, and for the purpose_of fostering sound national
opinions, as wellas the coalition of nationalists of every
religious persuasion, and in order thatwheii an opportu-
nity would present itself, we would be found watching,
resolute and prepared. Ours is the cause of fatherland,
it is the cause of the oppressed against the oppI'esS0r——
in its defence we hereby seek to enlist your counsel,
your sympathy, your support.—_Signcd by order of the
directors.

Tuos. W. Sifiioss,
Park. K. SIIEAHAN,

._..............>9 ¢Q4-o,<__............._

Ar xx INTERVIEW with all the generals at Berlin, the
King of Prussia delivered the following warlike speech :

“ I have‘b‘een called 'on the throne at an‘ epoch full of
dangers, and with the prospect of combats in which I
shall perhaps have need, gentlemen, of all your devoted-
ness. If I and the princes, who, like me, desire the
maintenance of peace, do not succeed in turning aside
the storm which is rising, we shall have need of all our
forces to resist and defend ourselves. Let us not indulge
in any illusions. If I do not succeed in turning aside
the conflict, we shall be engaged in a combat in which
we must vanquish if we are not willing to perish.”

Addressing the minifir of war, the kingsaid :

“ You must courageously‘ labor to make the army
what it ought to be for the future protection of Prussia.”

The 1’aris co‘rress9nsi¢st 01.‘ ll!9.I.:°l11.19!1. .I.1mz_l<.1. saysthe
-.ibove"‘s'p’ee'cli created a great sensation in the capital,
and adds that the King of Prussia is fully awarethat
Denmark is only his nominal enemy, and that the real
question is whether France is to have the Rhine.

The monarch free of the Sierra Nevada, California,
known as the “ ll-liner’s Cabin,” was blown down by the
hurricane of the 14th ult. It was thirty feet in diameter
and supposed to be 3,000 years old.

The effect of climate on _the human system is shown in
a striking manner by the inhabitants of Australia, who,
in the course of two or three generations, lose the corpu-
, _ , "aunt
rawboned race, like the inhabitants of our soiaizthom’
states.

Two men fell through the ice and were drowned at
Buffalo, on the 3d instant, while walking home on the
canaL

Aiv‘U.\'ror.'rui:A'rn You:rH.—'I‘he Marquis of Bnte is
thirteen years old, and has an income amounting to as
much as four hundred thousand dollars a year. As he is
an orphan, his relations are fighting about their respec-
tive claims to the guardianship of the young heir. An
English paper says: “ The rival guardians advocate the

% Secs.

rival systems; the Scotch Lord Justice Clerk and the ,

Lord High Chancellor of England are invoked to settle
the differences of the parties contending over this pre-
cious trust, but seem unable to settle their own, each as-
serting his separate authority over a ward who holds
titles and possessions within the jurisdiction of both.—-
‘Dinna meddle wi’ my Earl 0’ Dumfries and Laird 0’
Ilothsay,’ growls the Caledonian Minos. ‘ Take care how
you interfere with my Marquis of Bute,‘ thunders the
Rhadaniziuthus of England. ‘Remove him from Scotland
at your peril,’ warns Lord Glencorse. ‘See that he is
brought within my jurisdiction, or beware,’ decrees Lord

' Campbell; and between both these stools this youth of

bright prospects is likely enough, some dozen years
hence, to find himself if not on the ground, at least upon
another stool—that of repentance. In the meantime he
is ‘paid into court,’ as it were, and is deposited pentemg
lite, on neutral ground, which, fortunately for him, he
fuids in the family of his relative, the Earl of Galloway.”
How diifereiit would be the actions of hfs relations to the
youth if he were a “poor relation” instead of the heir of
a princely fortune !

Ax ixonxious war or oizsriiovixo A CROCODILE.-—Thi3

reptile souietimes attains the length of twenty-five feet, .

and is by many supposed ‘to be the Leviathan of Job, as
mentioned in the 41st chapter, and also in the Psalms.——
It swims rapidly, is very dangerous, and constantly
seizes and feeds upon human beings. When the British
had a detachment of soldiers and some artillery on the
banks of the river Indus, in the East Indies, a large old
crocodile carried off two or three natives, one of them
being a woman. Its skin was so thick that no ball pene-
trated it, so some yonn g artillery officers formed the
following plan for destroying it. They killed asheep
and in its body placed a bag filled with gunpowder and

some other combustible matter, to which a long wire

was attached, with deionating powder at the end. Pre-
sently the crocodile saw the, prey and seized it, and. car-
ried it to a hole. which he was known to frequent. Time
was allowed him to swallow the sheep, when the wire
was pulled-—the water then became violently agitated-—
a loudreport was heard, and up came the crocodile dead
and his stomach blown open. It is a curious fact that
in the Nile no crocodiles are found in certain degrees of
latitude, but they are between. 26 and 28. Cairo is 30
degrees, where they are never seen. Tliefemale deposits
her eggs in the sand, ab0,11§.Ql1_9_1ll-lfldred 1“ l1}1lIll>eI',. and
nearlyltliev size of th0§};,,(')fffl;’;g0059- 15:“ animal 9921195
thgjichueiinioii has 195; beeii f inous in Egypt, where it
'gES€s ‘by the nanieof, haro_ah,s rat, It h,ui,i,t,g,for,_c],igs
’,_fi,I1(,i'.,(1.()VpIl‘l‘3 the eggs of the crocodile, thus p__i;event..
ing tdogréat an increase of these dangerous reptiles.